For subscribers
https://www.straitstimes.com/opinion/marking-the-national-pledge-at-60
2026-02-17
Exactly 60 years ago on this date, on Feb 17, 1966, Mr S. Rajaratnam was wrestling with the words that would define the nation: the Singapore Pledge.
He was still raw from the trauma of Singapore’s sudden separation from Malaysia on Aug 9, 1965 – barely six months ago. As the new foreign minister, he had been dealing with one crisis after another: Building a ministry from scratch. Coping with external threats from unfriendly neighbours. Facing down internal threats of communist subversion, racial troubles and political unrest.
All these pressures came on top of the problems of whether the island was even viable economically. They all dissolve into one question: of survival. Survival of the country as an independent country; survival of its multiracial system. Each day tested his courage. Each day tested his will.
Mr Rajaratnam, who once penned short stories in London in the midst of the Blitz during World War II, faced his toughest challenge yet: to produce a national creed that was worth fighting for – in one sentence.
The next day, Feb 18, he sent his “suggestion”, as he put it, to Education Minister Ong Pang Boon, who had sought his help for a pledge for flag-raising ceremonies in schools.
It reads: “We, as citizens of Singapore, pledge to forget differences of race, language and religion and become one united people; to build a democratic society where justice and equality will prevail, and where we will seek happiness and progress by helping one another.”
It is hard to read this draft without being struck by its plainspoken audacity, given the depressing circumstances of the time, and also by its enduring relevance till this day.
Prime Minister Lawrence Wong was, I believe, the first top leader to reflect on Mr Rajaratnam’s early wording of the Pledge and draw its relevance to policymaking today.
In his speech launching The Lion’s Roar in July 2024, he highlighted the founding leader’s line “seeking happiness and progress by helping one another” and said: “I think that is a key insight on how we can take Singapore forward.”
Clearly, the ideas in Mr Rajaratnam’s draft of the Pledge continue to resonate and inspire, filtering down the decades and finding its way in the concept of a “We First” society crafted by Singapore’s fourth-generation prime minister.
Singaporeans all know the words to the National Pledge: “We, the citizens of Singapore, pledge ourselves as one united people, regardless of race, language or religion, to build a democratic society based on justice and equality so as to achieve happiness, prosperity and progress for our nation.”
This year, on the 60th anniversary of the National Pledge, it is timely to reflect on its evolution from ideas to words and practice, the circumstances and spirit in which they took shape, and its arduous journey from a pledge to a lived reality. It is a story of struggle, resistance and transformation.
The power of words and ideas
This year also happens to be the 20th anniversary of Mr Rajaratnam’s death. He died on Feb 22, 2006. A former journalist known in the founding Cabinet as the national ideologue, he was acutely attentive to the power of words and ideas.
His draft was radical, not about dreaming and aspiring like some may choose to believe, but about boldly choosing, becoming and building. The emphasis was on the active quest, the seeking and the striving.
As part of my research for his biography, I have studied the trail of archival documents leading to the final English version of the National Pledge. The paper trail leaves traces of the struggle to distil a common creed for our multiracial, multilingual and multi-religious society, then very much still divided by race, language and religion.
It is striking that, on receiving Mr Rajaratnam’s draft, the first thing Mr Ong did was seek the views of his minister of state, Rahim Ishak. The Malay minister was a battle-scarred multiracial champion, constantly on guard against Malay communalists out to fuel the fears of Malays that their race and religion were under threat.
Mr Rahim knew that, prior to seeking Mr Rajaratnam’s help, Mr Ong had leaned towards an earlier version of the Pledge by Scotsman George Thomson, director of the Political Study Centre. It read: “I proudly and wholeheartedly pledge my loyalty to our flag of Singapore and to the honour and independence of our Republic whose banner it is. We come from different races, religions and cultures, but we are now united in mind and heart as one nation, and one people, dedicated to build by democratic means a more just and equal society.”
Mr Rahim told Mr Ong, in an internal MOE note on Feb 19, that he preferred Mr Rajaratnam’s version.
The first draft of the Singapore Pledge by S. Rajaratnam sent to Education Minister Ong Pang Boon, dated Feb 18, 1966. PHOTO: MINISTRY OF EDUCATION
That settled, Mr Ong asked his staff for a Chinese translation of Mr Rajaratnam’s version to see “how it sounds”. He was alive to the mood of the Chinese majority, particularly the Chinese-educated.
Seeking a dominant position for Chinese language and culture, they demanded to know why the Government was making English the common working language and retaining Malay as the national language when the Chinese formed the majority. Some Chinese middle school students, influenced by pro-Communists, were taking their struggles to the streets.
Against this tempestuous backdrop, Mr Ong directed his focus on Chinese translations of Mr Rajaratnam’s draft, with an eye on “grammar, idiom and usage”. However, as with any translation, nuances and cultural references may be lost, making it difficult to fully appreciate the intended meaning of the text.
To give an example: it appears that one Chinese translation of Mr Rajaratnam’s draft was shown to school principals, whose revised Chinese version was then translated back to English.
Thankfully, this rendering was rejected: “We, the citizens of Singapore, pledge ourselves to the building of a democratic society as one united people, regardless of race, language or religion. We further pledge to help one another seek and maintain in our motherland justice and equality, as well as happiness, prosperity and progress.” Try reciting that.
Tellingly, somewhere along the way, one idea in Mr Rajaratnam’s draft was dropped: seeking happiness and progress by helping one another. Aware that happiness and progress were legitimate aims of many peoples around the world, he upended prevailing assumptions on the means to those ends – it was by “helping one another”, as opposed to helping oneself, one’s family or one’s tribe.
Contrary to what some people think, by “forget differences”, he was not calling on people to deny or obliterate their cultural heritage or racial identity.
Rather, he was calling on them to transcend them and give primacy to their shared identity as Singaporeans even as they celebrate the diversity of different cultures. But this sense of “forget” would have been lost in translation to the vernacular languages and all too easily misunderstood.
The Pledge was introduced to a tough crowd. For some time, there were students and even teachers who refused to recite it on religious and ideological grounds.
The Malay-based opposition party, Singapore UMNO, was among those criticising it. This prompted PAP MP Mohamed Ariff Suradi to ask if SUMNO was objecting to “the concept of a multiracial, multilingual and multi-religious Singapore”.
As the Education Minister in the hot seat, Mr Ong deserves much credit for his moral and political courage in pressing on with it, as does his minister of state, Mr Rahim.
As we mark the Pledge’s 60th milestone, we should find ways to celebrate the people who have shaped it in 1966. Not only those involved in the drafting, but also the school principals and teachers who persisted with it in the face of resistance.
Singapore owes its progress to the founding generation who had dared. Their struggle embodies a lesson that each generation must learn anew; that our multicultural way of life is precious, special and worth fighting for.
More On This Topic
Beware the crocodile: The challenge for small states
S. Rajaratnam on the 1965 Separation: ‘My dreams were shattered’
Keeping the message alive
This year, the Pledge should be given a special focus in schools and in national events such as the National Day Parade. Also mark the date Aug 24: exactly 60 years ago on that date, students recited it in schools for the first time.
I hope that Singapore policymakers and educators will spend some time considering how to teach our youth its significance. Going back to Mr Rajaratnam’s draft and its historical context would be a way for people to have a deeper appreciation of the Pledge.
In this era of divisive racial rhetoric and polarised politics, its 60th anniversary offers us an opportunity to take stock of our Singapore multiracial experiment and review its policies to ensure they bend towards its objectives.
The discussions on income inequality, on immigration, on an AI-driven future take on a more profound significance and meaning when viewed in the context of the National Pledge.
The guiding light must always be its core ideals. They are the foundation of our identity and the standards by which we move forward. Every generation must choose to uphold what Singapore stands for.
In his bold Budget speech, PM Wong said “our forefathers understood that Singapore’s success would ultimately depend on unity – not just shared prosperity but also shared responsibility”. This conviction is captured in our Pledge, he said.
Singapore has grown and changed. But we always seem to return to the Pledge.
Sixty years ago, Mr Rajaratnam’s draft set in motion an unfinished project to make the ideals of the Pledge real.
Irene Ng is the authorised biographer of S. Rajaratnam, writer and former Member of Parliament.
More On This Topic
Here’s how Singapore can honour Rajaratnam’s legacy - by being a democracy of deeds
Crafting the National Pledge: How S. Rajaratnam put S’pore’s essence into words
By--- Irene Ng is the authorised biographer of S. Rajaratnam, writer and former Member of Parliament.
=====

No comments:
Post a Comment