Sunday, May 17, 2026

Death: This is how you’re going to die?*

This is how you’re going to die?*

https://www.straitstimes.com/life/this-is-how-youre-going-to-die

2026-05-16

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DEATH GETS A MAKEOVER
Instead of the taboo topic it used to be, death is slowly becoming something to be discussed, and sometimes, a celebration of life

Teo Kai Xiang
“She’s looking for you,” reads the text from your mother, during the first five minutes of the thriller film Bugonia (2025), right as American actress Emma Stone begins her villainous chief executive montage sequence. “I don’t know if she can hold on.”

You’ve spent every other day of the past three months at the hospital by your grandmother’s bedside. Tonight was a rare reprieve, a date at the cinema.

A sense of unease has been building up inside of you throughout the day, and now, at the sign of the text, it breaks.

You exit the cinema just as Stone’s character gets kidnapped and climb into a Grab to Yishun Community Hospital. Your date understands why you need to leave in a hurry.

The next six hours are spent by your grandmother’s bed.

Few words are exchanged. There is only the soft sound of Sikh meditational prayer music playing in the background of the room she shares with three others.

She can hardly speak now. At age 84 and diagnosed with idiopathic pulmonary fibrosis, a lung disease, she has trouble breathing. The doctors have put her on a liquid diet because she can no longer swallow.

On this night, she is restless, moving her hands a lot. You cannot tell if she is in pain or trying to tell you something­.

For the past few weeks, she has been talking about wanting to be comfortable. Part of what keeps her holding on is that her brother, your grand-uncle, is due to arrive from Australia in two days.

You sit with your wrist over hers, feeling her pulse.

When you leave at 3am, you do not yet realise that this is the last time you will see her conscious.

A long goodbye

When it became clear that this hospitalisation would be her last, your family began planning the funeral. On the recommendation of a friend in the local Sikh community, a funeral director was hired.

Unlike many in the generations before you, you had time to say goodbye. Though she raised you, your grandmother wasn’t the kind to say “I love you”.

But in the last weeks of her life, she said it many times – through an oxygen mask.

Across your many visits to the hospital, you notice that there are just as many domestic workers as there are family members sitting at bedsides. You see one of them tear up after the doctors tell her the elderly woman she has been caring for has died.

(This story is based on an interview with a 30-year-old Singaporean who lost his grandmother in October 2025.)

In Singapore, the median duration spent in palliative care – from referral to death – is 21 days, according to the Singapore Hospice Council (SHC). However, this statistic conceals the longer process that death has become in Singapore over the course of a generation.

Since 1957, the life expectancy (from birth) of Singapore residents has risen from 61.1 to 83.5 years, according to Ministry of Health data. Life expectancy from age 65 had risen from 8.1 more years of life to 21.2 years.

Causes of death have also shifted over time. Since 1950, the percentage of deaths by neoplasms (tumours and cancers) and cardiovascular diseases have increased from 2.8 and 6.3 per cent respectively in 1950 to 28.8 and 30.5 per cent in 2019. In 2025, there were 26,499 deaths recorded in Singapore, an average of 72 deaths each day.

Consider something as ordinary as a hip fracture, an ailment suffered by thousands of Singaporeans each year, often as a result of a fall.

When Dr Christopher Lien, 61, started working at Changi General Hospital (CGH) in 2001, the rate at which those with hip fractures would undergo corrective surgery was around 50 per cent.
The implications for one’s quality of life are significant. Without corrective surgery, one does not regain independence. “Some accept the disability, and it sometimes leads to more complications,” says Dr Lien, now a senior consultant with CGH’s department of geriatric medicine.

Today, more than 90 per cent of these patients receive what has become a “bread and butter” surgical procedure, and over 50 per cent return to their previous level of functioning. “Something that was so anxiety-provoking has become fairly normal.”
“In terms of how death is viewed in society, we’ve moved from seeing death as something inevitable to something that technology, discovery and science could increasingly put off and delay,” says Dr Noreen Chan, 59, a senior consultant at the National University Cancer Institute’s division of palliative care.

There was a time when Singaporeans would give their children unpleasant nicknames out of a superstitious belief that it would ward off spirits that might take them away. “This happened in my family even,” she says.

These days, death is seen as a failure of the medical system.

Dr Chan, who recently published a book, Approaching The Finishing Line, which reflects on her career in palliative care since 1998, is also an adjunct professor at the National University Hospital.

She recalls a time when patients diagnosed with kidney cancer faced a grim prognosis: a few months to live unless they took a risky treatment that offered just a 5 per cent survival rate.

Complexities of care

These days, medical advances have turned what was once a death sentence into something more akin to a chronic condition to be managed, giving these patients years to live.

The result is that dying has become a slower and more complex process, where deterioration is defined by “multi-morbidity”, or the accumulation of many co-existing conditions such as cancer, dementia, stroke, or heart disease.

These complexities of care – and growing demand for people who can address them – have meant a remarkable turnaround for what was once one of Singapore’s least glamorous specialisations.

When Dr Chan began working in palliative care, it was a niche field “very much on the periphery”. Hospice care had begun only a decade earlier as a grassroots movement at St Joseph’s Home in 1985, mostly run by volunteers and lay staff.

In 2005, she was profiled by The New Paper as part of a story with a grim proclamation: “No takers for saddest job. Situation desperate as only 20 doctors left to care for dying in S’pore.”

All of this has changed as dealing with the long decline towards death has become a societal challenge. As at 2026, Singapore is officially a super-aged society, with over a fifth of the population aged 65 and up.

In a sign of the times, the number of palliative care doctors has nearly doubled from 47 in 2014 to 88 in 2024. To Dr Chan, the clearest shift stems from how palliative care – once seen as the purview of hospices and charities – now has a home in every major hospital in Singapore.

“Death is a social phenomenon, not a medical one,” she adds. This means that Singapore’s changing social fabric is also influencing what death looks like.

Nowhere is this more apparent than what Dr Lien calls “grey conversations” around dying: Would the patient be all right with living on a feeding tube? Under what circumstances would he or she prefer if care ceased and the focus shifts instead to making him or her comfortable?

“There is a resourcing challenge,” says Dr Lien, who notes that clinicians often lack the time to have in-depth conversations with patients about their final wishes. “We can’t give everybody everything.”

For instance, a 2014 survey by the Lien Foundation – of which Dr Lien is a governor – finds that 77 per cent of respondents want to die at home. However, an enduring trend of the past decade is that over 60 per cent are dying in hospitals.

Dr Lien also notes that domestic workers now form an essential part of Singapore’s social fabric of care. Singapore families see the hiring of a domestic worker as customary when an elderly family member loses his or her independence after a fall or a debilitating diagnosis.

Increasingly, conversations about patient care are playing out between doctors and domestic workers.

“In many ways, we are being very unfair to our foreign domestic workers,” says Dr Chan, noting that the question of how grief impacts these workers or how they might be juggling caregiving responsibilities for multiple seniors is often neglected.

The death industry

After your grandmother dies, your mother is angry about leaving the body alone in the hospital’s morgue. The funeral must wait a day, so all family members have time to fly in for the wake.

You don’t know how to feel. Mostly, you remember her passing as a series of tasks.

You call the funeral director. Send out the obituary you designed on Canva, the image editing tool, to the Singapore Khalsa Association, the local cultural group for Sikhs which then circulates it within local Sikh groups. It is an eerie feeling to see that obituary pop up on your grandmother’s phone notifications.

You run out to buy the raisins, nuts and rock sugar that must be given to each guest, a Sikh custom. You fumble with the audio equipment so that everyone can hear the prayers during her void-deck wake.

Much of the significance of these last rites is lost upon you, even after the priest explains. Coming from an inter-faith household, though your grandmother is Sikh, neither you nor your mother are.

You watch from behind a glass window as your grandmother’s coffin disappears behind the furnace doors at the Mandai Crematorium, and return the next day to collect the ashes.

When the staff hand you small brushes to sweep the ashes into the clay urn, you cannot deny the slight feeling of horror at having to pick up fragments of your grandmother’s bones, which are not quite dust yet.

You would later find out that this is a consequence of Singapore’s multiculturalism. For the Chinese, bone picking is a way to pay respects to the dead. One must specifically request for the ashes to be pulverised.

But in the moment, all you can think about is how difficult it is to separate, by hand, the melted acrylic of the coffin’s viewing window from your grandmother’s bones.

For previous generations, death was a far more closed-off affair, in both the literal and metaphoric sense. 

In 2004, the newly constructed Mandai Crematorium came with expanded viewing galleries and a rail system that gave mourners more time to say goodbye to the deceased.

The absence of embalming and Singapore’s humid climate also meant that it was often not possible for some mourners to catch a glimpse of the deceased.

“Only close ones would get to see the body on the first day,” says Mr Hoo Hung Chye, 47, executive director of the Association of Funeral Directors (AFD) and co-founder of Singapore Funeral Services. “You had to seal the casket or else decomposition would set in.”

It was only after the 1990s that embalming became the norm in Singapore, as the equipment and training that made it possible became commonplace. Mr Hoo estimates that more than 90 per cent of clients now request it.

But even as death has become less hidden and less remote, funerals have become smaller and closer­-knit affairs than previously.

Evolving last rites

The trend towards smaller families means that wakes are not only smaller, but last rites have also become less elaborate, simply because there are fewer mourners to perform them, says Mr Hoo.

That there are often not enough next-of-kin is why funeral homes increasingly offer hired services for things that were once the purview of family: setting up the wake, keeping vigil over the body, welcoming guests and collecting donations (now via QR code).

In some cases, the funeral director stands in for the family entirely.

Mr Calvin Tang, 49, assistant general manager of Singapore Casket, estimates that his company handles up to four cases of the lonely dead a month: people who die without anyone to mourn them. These are cases referred through social workers.

Singapore Casket has been in business since 1920.

For Mr Tang, the biggest change to the death industry is that younger generations increasingly get involved in planning funerals, resulting in more and more breaks with tradition as they create new ones of their own.

He observes that the bereaved increasingly ask for religious rites to be altered or discarded entirely.

For instance, the Chinese practice of placing a pearl in the mouth of the deceased, to ensure a smooth passage into the afterlife, is one that many mourners dispense with. Similarly for the Taoist tradition of burning paper houses for the deceased.

Even mourning attire has changed. In the past, Chinese mourners might wear patches of cloth on their sleeve indicating their relationship to the deceased. Today, younger mourners simply wear uniform black T-shirts. And rather than dress the dead in ceremonial robes, more opt for suits or casual attire.

The conditions of modern life often force traditions to evolve, says Mr Kalidas Suppiah, 47, operations manager at Singapore Casket.

The Hindu ritual of bathing the body of the deceased has become unfeasible in modern HDB flat kitchens, often too small for the task. And the practice of carrying the body to the crematorium furnace has evolved due to safety concerns.

Now, mourners carry the body to the hearse instead.

In Singapore, rules have an outsized impact on practices surrounding death and mourning.

The rise of cremation, as part of a government-led campaign in light of the country’s land scarcity, has been the most consequential change to last rites in Singapore. As for cemeteries here, they operate on 15-year grave leases, after which the body is exhumed and either cremated or interred in smaller graves, depending on the religion of the deceased.

These rules continue to evolve today.

One sign of mourning in modern Singapore has been the use of LED wreaths to express condolences to the family of the deceased in Chinese funerals. The practice drew community backlash over fire safety­, light pollution and energy consumption.

In 2022, new guidelines were issued by the National Environment Agency and AFD limiting each wake to a maximum of 10 LED wreaths.

Under the surface, however, the most consequential change for funeral directors is a shift in attitudes: Death increasingly occupies a less taboo space in society.

Earlier in his career, Mr Tang recalls being rebuffed when asking nursing homes if he could visit to give a presentation about his funeral home’s services. These days, active ageing centres regularly invite funeral directors and these presentations draw curiosity rather than hostility.

Ice cream and ashes

Funeral directors are not the only ones finding a more receptive audience in Singapore today.

Between 2024 and 2026, the number of followers of Facebook page Death Kopitiam more than doubled from 25,000 to over 63,000. 

The page has become a go-to source for all things death-related in Singapore, and its tributes have become a new-fangled take on age-old obituaries, complete with comments from the bereaved and condolences from strangers.

Mr Bryan Hong, writing on behalf of the page’s team of administrators, attributes this growing popularity to societal interest in discussing difficult topics like suicide or Singapore’s lonely dead.

“Facebook is the largest digital cemetery in the world,” writes Mr Hong in an e-mail response to ST, referring to how accounts belonging to the deceased are projected to outpace those belonging to the living in the coming decades. 

“It thus makes sense that a page like Death Kopitiam is situated on Facebook.” 

When Ms Angjolie Mei, 46, began her life celebrant business in 2010, she faced resistance from clients­ when she proposed creating video montages of the deceased – something seen as too celebratory for the sombre occasion.

She received her first pre-planning client in 2013, who wanted to set out her wishes for her funeral ahead of time.

Another client hired her 14 months before dying from kidney cancer to spare his wife the burden of having to plan his funeral alone. His requests ranged from a reminder to trim his eyebrows if necessary, to the blue Adidas jacket he wanted to wear for the wake, to a reminder to order a buffet before collecting his ashes.

At a recent funeral, a recording of the deceased’s voice called out at the end of the wake: “Alamak, why are you all still here?” That small, feisty touch drew laughter from attendees.

For another client, Ms Ang arranged­ to have the ashes of the client’s father stored in a sake bottle of personal significance to him, and for the wake to be “BYOB” (bring your own booze) – to mark the event as a celebration of his life.

She attributes the change in Singapore mindsets partly to a generational shift. “I remember in my mother’s era, we didn’t even get involved,” says Ms Ang, referring to herself and other grandchildren. “We didn’t even go to the wake. It was hush hush.”

Similarly, Ms Tan Ming Li believes that changing practices are often a response to the funerals and grief that Singaporeans themselves have experienced in the past. Ms Tan, 51, founded the non-profit The Life Review in 2023 to normalise conversations around dying and grief.

“When I lost my mother, there was no conversation,” she recalls. “It was just ‘Go back to school, continue’. The adults go back to work. Nothing happens. People didn’t have the language. They didn’t have a way to deal with it. What does processing death even mean?”

Even as death literacy has reached an all-time high, Ms Tan is wary of how unnervingly efficient Singapore institutions have become at dealing with it, often at the expense of making space for grief.

The loss of many last rites, many of which helped make sense of a death, is something that concerns her. “That has eroded the whole grief process and how we feel as human beings,” she says. “Now, in doing this work, we’re almost recreating these rituals.”

“What’s very efficient now is that if you don’t have somebody to keep watch over the body, they can have someone stay over for you,” she adds. “Things have become so efficient and sanitised. When does the grief process start to hit you?”

That same efficiency seeps into the recent policy push to get Singaporeans to complete Lasting Power of Attorney forms and advance care plans since 2023. Uptake has risen, but remains low: About one in seven Singaporeans have completed their LPAs as at February.

Ms Tan worries that these documents are often ends in themselves, when they should be starting points for important conversations. She observes that many complete these forms without discussing their full implications with family, potentially creating new forms of stress. 

It is stressful to have the responsibility of making decisions for an incapacitated loved one, especially if you are unsure what he or she wants.

In her non-profit work, she observes that one of the common reasons people seek out death doulas – a paid service to guide the dying and their loved ones through the process – is that they are wrestling with regret over how they handled a former loved one’s dying wishes.

With the last 10 years of one’s life likely to be spent in the grip of chronic illness, Ms Tan thinks it is better to ponder these difficult questions and talk them through with loved ones sooner rather than later.

Your grandmother had wanted a traditional funeral, and that meant hiring a ferry to take you out to sea.

What she had probably not wanted was an argument over who should get on the boat, which could only seat five. That left bruised egos for those left behind.

Simmering tensions come to the fore. Anger over who got to see your grandmother in her final hours, anger that so few bothered to come then.

Despite that bitter prelude, the boat ride out is a peaceful 15 minutes. When the boat stops, you walk to the edge and lean over until you are dangling out over the water.

Slowly, you pour out the ashes, watching your grandmother disperse into the waves. You hadn’t, until that moment, understood why scattering one’s ashes at sea is such an enduring practice.

But grief and mourning is not a clean process.

Six months after, your family still returns to the temple for monthly athma shanthi prayers, following your mother’s Hindu beliefs.

Even now, your grandmother’s possessions remain, as she left them, around the family home. Her room is still her room. One of her final requests before she was hospitalised was for you to buy her ice cream.

The tub sits unopened in the freezer­.

kaixiang@sph.com.sg


China: Carmakers used to market to China. Now they depend on its tech


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Carmakers used to market to China. Now they depend on its tech

*The balance of power has shifted and it is China that now supplies the software, skills and expertise to the rest of the auto industry.*

https://str.sg/379JR

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Carmakers used to market to China. Now they depend on its tech

Straits Times 
2026-05-16

Mark Greeven

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For some four decades, Chinese companies have absorbed carmaking know-how through joint ventures with foreign groups like Germany’s Volkswagen and Japan’s Toyota. That model has now been inverted. Foreign carmakers no longer bring technology into China; they extract it from there.

Japanese and European firms are designing and developing vehicles in China using local technology and talent, and are beginning to export them to other markets, including South-east Asia, Latin America and the Middle East. 

The result is not just competition, but displacement. Lower-cost Chinese models are already undercutting demand for foreign-branded vehicles in China, and are starting to exert similar pressure in parts of Asia and Europe. 

Chinese manufacturers are gaining ground as foreign carmakers lose it.

Foreign brands’ share of the China market has slumped from 64 per cent in 2020 to 32 per cent today. The concern is that this pressure extends beyond China, with the potential to hollow out parts of industrial bases elsewhere. In markets such as Thailand and Indonesia, Chinese brands already dominate EV sales. 

And what is happening in China is beginning to spill into the global auto market.

The world’s second biggest economy is no longer just exporting competitively priced cars. It is increasingly a place where the software and systems that run them are developed, supported by a depth of engineering talent that is hard to match.

The new power centre

The shift is creating a growing dependence: vehicles may still be built elsewhere, but much of the underlying capability is now rooted in China. That is enough to start shifting the balance of power in the global auto industry, towards those who control the technology, not just those who build the vehicles.

In EVs, China already dominates both. 

That influence is not yet universal. EVs account for roughly one in four new vehicles sold globally, with much of that demand concentrated in China, where EVs make up about half of new car sales. In parts of South-east Asia, as well as in India, Africa and Latin America, adoption remains at an early stage. But these are precisely the markets where Chinese firms are expanding.

The clearest sign the balance has shifted is how foreign carmakers now use China. It is no longer just a market to sell into, but a base for development and exports. Japan’s Nissan, for example, is targeting about one million vehicles a year from its China operations by 2030, combining domestic sales with exports, up from roughly 660,000 in 2025. China has become part of its global operating model. 

What was once a destination for foreign expertise has become a source of it. What China now does better than many competitors is speed. The advantage of building there is not just lower costs, but how quickly ideas move from design to production.

Development cycles that can take several years elsewhere are being compressed markedly in China, where they are around half of Japan’s. 

That advantage reflects something structural: China’s dense supply chains and close links between suppliers and manufacturers. The question is no longer whether others can match this, but whether they can operate without it. In many cases, they cannot. 

Tightening grip

The argument is not for retreat. It’s that Asian manufacturers need to deepen their own industrial ecosystems before integration with China hardens into structural dependence. That becomes harder to unwind. The more carmakers rely on Chinese technology and supply chains, the more leverage shifts to China. 

Job losses are one risk, and in some cases are already visible: Nissan has cut or redeployed around 1,000 jobs in Thailand, while Honda is winding down production at one of its plants there. Industrial adjustment is already under way.

However, the bigger issue is not just production, but who controls the knowledge behind it. As carmakers lean more heavily on China, what underpins the next generation of vehicles – from engineering to software – may increasingly sit there. 

What remains at home risks being reduced to the commoditised role of an assembly line, producing vehicles increasingly defined elsewhere. Over time, that changes the structure of the industry itself, concentrating control in China.

Some markets are more exposed than others; Thailand stands out. Known as the Detroit of South-east Asia, its auto industry has long been built around Japanese carmakers and their supply chains, with firms such as Toyota employing hundreds of thousands there through local operations.

That concentration is now becoming a vulnerability.

As these companies reorganise around Chinese partners and platforms, Thailand’s role risks narrowing to final assembly; producing vehicles whose architecture, software and supply base are determined elsewhere.

The question is no longer whether to integrate with China; that is already happening. The issue is what is retained at home. The answer is not to wall China off, but to retain control over the capabilities that matter most. 

There is no guarantee the exchange still runs both ways: where foreign carmakers once brought technology into China, they now draw on software, suppliers and development that do not necessarily flow back. That makes it all the more important to build strength in those areas at home, so that capability is not lost.

Without that, integration risks becoming dependence and, over time, constraint. Those that control capability will set the terms. The rest will depend on them.

Mark Greeven is professor of management innovation and strategy and dean of Asia at IMD. He is responsible for the school’s activities and outreach across China and is ranked on the Thinkers50 list of global management thinkers.

The balance of power has shifted and it is China that now supplies the software, skills and expertise to the rest of the auto industry.

AI精英携西经东归**旋转门恐难再流转


中美科技竞争白热化

*AI精英携西经东归*
*旋转门恐难再流转*

联合早报
2026-05-17

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越来越多顶尖AI人才正在从美国硅谷回流中国,他们曾受过中美高等教育,拥有丰富的科研和产业经验,成为影响中国AI产业的关键人物。跨国人才过去对中美乃至全球科技进步都起到巨大推动作用,但在大国博弈下,选择什么体系以及为谁出力不再只是单纯的个人意向,这些人才的流动逐渐变得不那么自由。
  计算机科学博士潘梓正在2023年有两个选择:留在英伟达,还是加入一家成立不到几个月的中国初创公司?

  英伟达当年市值刚突破1万亿美元(1.27万亿新元),但潘梓正毫不犹豫地选了后者,一家名为深度求索(DeepSeek)的杭州企业。

  一年多后,DeepSeek登顶苹果美区免费应用下载榜,潘梓正发文庆祝,英伟达高级研究科学家禹之鼎转发并评论:“我们许多最优秀的人才来自中国,他们不必只在美国公司取得成功”。

  哈佛大学肯尼迪政府学院创始人艾利森则发问:“为什么美国没有留下他?”

  长期以来,美国聚集了大量华人学者和工程师。保尔森基金会数据显示,美国顶尖AI研究人员中,约38%的本科毕业于中国高校。但是,在过去几年里,像潘梓正这样选择回流中国的案例正在增加。

  去年,谷歌DeepMind原研究副总裁吴永辉加入字节跳动,曾在OpenAI主导多个智能体项目的姚顺雨加入腾讯,担任首席AI科学家。今年1月,前Gemini强化学习负责人周浩加入阿里巴巴。

  这些人有相似的轨迹:中国本科、欧美博士、国际大厂积累经验,然后回到中国。

  高校界回流的AI科学家数量更多。2020年以来,中国高校和新型研究机构吸引了至少数十名有海外背景的AI学者任职。

  《经济学人》通过分析AI顶尖国际会议NeurIPS(神经信息处理系统大会)论文作者发现,2019年,在海外取得研究生学历的中国AI研究人员,回到中国工作的比率仅有12%,但2025年,这一比率上升到了28%。

  推动这一趋势发生的,包括美国对华技术管制升级、移民签证收紧,还有中国国产大模型崛起,AI产业成熟,高校投入发展科技,研究人员有了更大发挥空间。

  美国卡内基基金会中国主任马旸(Damien Ma)对《联合早报》说,“顶尖AI人才是流动性最强的一批人,他们会去能发挥最大潜能的地方。钱是一部分,但工作环境和工作本身的性质更重要。”

  虽然回流绝对人数不多,但无论是企业高层、首席科学家,还是高校教授,角色都十分关键。

  月之暗面的杨植麟是典型的一个例子。他本科毕业于清华大学,后赴卡内基梅隆大学攻读博士,并曾在谷歌大脑和Meta从事AI研究。2023年,他创办的月之暗面成为中国最受关注的大模型玩家之一。

  腾讯也表示,混元大模型也因为姚顺雨的加入活跃度提升。

  马旸说,华人顶尖人才是美国AI体系的重要组成部分,如今也正在影响、甚至引领中国AI的发展。

学者:中国在AI时代
与美国形成事实“G2”

  华南理工大学公共政策研究院研究员戴明洁受访时说,跨国人才过去对中美乃至全球科技进步都起到巨大推动作用,也支撑了中国的后发优势,缩短了科技产业的学习曲线。与互联网时代相比,中国在AI时代更进一步,同时有基础研发和应用转化人才,“与美国形成事实上的‘G2’”。

  但在中美科技竞争背景下,人才的作用越是关键,人才流动也越难被看作单纯的职业选择。尽管对个人而言,加入哪家公司,是薪资、理想的综合结果;但在大国博弈的背景下,则会被追问:选择什么体系、为谁出力?

  当美国通过收紧对中国科技企业的资本、算力输出和模型服务,遏制中国技术发展,中国也开始加强对关键技术、数据和人才外流的审查。

  Manus案是一次标志性事件。这家原生于中国的AI公司去年7月迁至新加坡,关闭中国业务。去年底Meta传出收购消息后,中国宣布对交易展开调查,公司创始人和首席科学家据称被限制出境。

  接近公司的知情人士告诉《联合早报》,公司迁往新加坡,是因为接受美国机构Benchmark投资后面临华盛顿审查,也因其产品需调用Claude模型,而Claude母公司Anthropic已停止向中国用户提供服务。

  在企业看来,这是遭受美国资金和技术限制后做出的商业选择。但在中国监管机构眼中,Manus带走的是40名核心技术人员和相关数据,伤害了国家利益。

  影响也外溢到其他AI公司。3月,将技术人员迁至海外的AI公司MiroMind也收到了监管提醒。

  据彭博社报道,盛大网络创始人、MiroMind出资人陈天桥选择在公司的中国与全球业务间建立“防火墙”,禁止跨境共享代码,并减少人员、数据跨境流动。

  陈天桥说,自己过去相信可以把中国和全球人才结合起来,为人类未来作出贡献;但Manus事件后,这种全球化设想已难以为继,企业实际上别无选择,“只能选边”。

  MiroMind此前为使用海外算力,曾为部分中国AI研发人员办理日本和新加坡工作签证。Manus事件后,这种安排变得敏感。据了解,MiroMind联合创始人、清华大学电子工程系副教授代继峰也因反对把人送出境,选择离职。

  《华尔街日报》也报道,今年以来,中国当局要求顶尖AI专家不要前往美国,旨在保障国家安全、防止技术泄露。

专家:尝试管控人才流动有风险
要留住人才“胡萝卜比大棒重要”

  这些案例引发了人才自由流动受阻的担忧。戴明洁认为,吸引回流和防止外流并存,是国际科技竞争白热化、国家安全议题凸显下的反应;对核心人才和技术流动进行必要审查,也是主要大国当前的普遍做法。

  但她强调,中国的管控是“防御性的、有限度的”,以保护自身核心技术和人才为目标,而非通过长臂管辖去争夺他国资源。

  马旸则指出,管控人才流动的尝试是有风险的。要促进人才留存和创新,“胡萝卜比大棒重要”。

  他认为,人才始终是流动的。虽然当前中美AI竞争激烈,但人才生态不应、也不会走向脱钩。“如果人力流动完全停止,两国都将承受巨大负面影响。”

  他说,中美AI生态侧重不同,不是对立关系,也应该保持人员流动交流。“到目前为止,人类还没有找到比让大量不同背景、才华横溢的人聚集在一起,并开放地接受不同想法的更好方法,来持续产生突破性创新”。

500万AI人才缺口下
中国政校企同步发力

  中国防控人才外流的另一面,是对人才不足的焦虑。据《人民日报》去年5月的报道,中国人力资源社会保障部测算,中国人工智能人才缺口超过500万。《新京报》去年对百余家企业的调研显示,近半受访企业缺乏能熟练掌握AI的复合型人才。

  面对缺口,地方政府、企业和高校同步发力。地方政府把AI人才单列为引才对象,补助各类AI创业企业;一线的AI大厂则把招聘前线推到海外——去年底美国圣地亚哥的NeurIPS大会上,字节跳动、快手等中国公司均在会场设有招聘展台。

  中国高校则通过“海外优青”等专项计划、全球人才招聘会、国际青年学者论坛等渠道,吸引海外学者返华任职。

除物质条件和机会之外
历史叙事拉力也是感召

  一位在新加坡高校的博士后研究员告诉《联合早报》,他还没毕业就已收到中国的邀约,一线大厂技术管理岗,年薪从200万至300万元人民币起谈,高校则按最低副教授职级洽谈,并承诺“可以带研究生,有团队”。

  物质条件和机会之外,对部分华人科学家而言,还有一种难以量化的历史叙事拉力。2020年,AI科学家朱松纯在美国生活28年后回到中国,让许多人意外。他受北京市政府邀请创办了北京通用人工智能研究院,并同时在北京大学和清华大学任教。

  据英国《卫报》报道,朱松纯曾向友人强调,回国不是“要帮中国赢”,而是“中国给了我在美国拿不到的资源”。

  但他的选择很难完全脱离国家科技竞争的语境。他曾在看钱学森纪录片时当众落泪,也曾作为全国政协委员建言将通用人工智能提升到“两弹一星”的高度,也曾在央视访问中说,国家需要时”如果转过背去对国家说no,一辈子都无法原谅自己”。

  在新加坡南洋理工大学完成人工智能方向博士课程的林深对《联合早报》说,海外人才对中国的归属感、以及让科学成就嵌入历史叙事的可能,也是一种感召。在他看来,这也是中国对华人科学家一种特有的策略,美国相对“家国情怀就少很多。”

  此外,中国的社会氛围也是吸引力的一部分。林深说,在政府主导下,中国社会对AI持拥抱态度,所有产业都在跟AI发生关系,有许多落地空间;但美国社会对AI和公众利益就有更多争论。“在美国,从政府得到的明确政策红利相对来说不这么重要,美国市场的吸引力更多来自自由市场、资本和创新环境。”

回流人才“水土不服”留不住?
学者:全面改变长期惯性需时间

  回流人才能否长久留下,仍会受到个人、环境、文化等多个因素影响。

  2020年,曾任OpenAI研究员、参与多个项目深度开发的吴翼回到中国,加入清华大学交叉信息研究院担任助理教授,一度与其他三位同在美国伯克利大学研究深度强化学习和具身智能的青年科学家,并称为“伯克利归国四子”。

  今年4月中,吴翼转投Meta超级智能实验室,清华交叉信息研究院官网撤下了他的教职信息。

  据了解,吴翼离开清华的过程并不平静,双方的沟通持续数月,清华并不希望他离开,而且在交接过程中,出现吴翼课程负面反馈,引起清华不满。

  知情人士称,促使他离开的有Meta的优厚条件,也有他本人在清华遇到的“水土不服”。

  硅谷仍然以高薪和前沿研究吸引着优秀人才,这样的“水土不服”也并非个案。回流者带着海外科研环境的工作习惯回到中国,往往要面对一套不同的评价体系和合作文化。

  林深说,中国高校每招一个杰出海外人才,要投入的资源很多,因此对发文章、出成果的要求也更高,“更卷”。

  他说,常见的困难除了内卷、人际关系复杂,也有找到志同道合研究者的难度。“举个例子,如果归国导师想做最前沿的研究,但研究生只想拿学位,就很难合作”。

  华南理工大学的研究员戴明洁说,中国在吸引人才方面做出了很多努力,但与美国在成果转化、创新氛围上仍然有距离。

  戴明洁说,与硅谷生态相比,中国大学、科研院所与企业之间的”旋转门”不够顺畅,与企业间仍有“体制内外的差异,人员流动、成果转化的成本高。 此外,一些地方对“形式主义”和KPI的强调,会无形中消耗人才的创造热情和冒险精神。

  但戴明洁也强调,中国在政策层面尝试改革,一些高校试点“破五唯”,破除“唯论文、唯职称、唯学历、唯奖项、唯帽子”的考核惯性;国家基金等项目也加大对青年人才和颠覆性创新的支持。“但是,全面改变长期惯性,还需要时间。”

刘莎 报道

早安星期天 2026-05-17

Saturday, May 16, 2026

在消失的饮食记忆 海南西餐馆在守旧与创新之间找出路

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My lunch 2026-05-15

海南西餐:在消失的饮食记忆 海南西餐馆在守旧与创新之间找出路

正在消失的饮食记忆 海南西餐馆在守旧与创新之间找出路

供订户阅读

https://zb.sg/g/n8JN?utm_source=android-share&utm_medium=app

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https://www.zaobao.com.sg/lifestyle/food/story20260516-9038472?utm_source=android-share&utm_medium=app

2026-05-16
联合早报

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本地海南西餐馆曾定义无数人的“西餐初体验”,然而,随着时代更迭与餐饮业态不断演变,这类餐馆如今已剩不足十家。面对“守传统”与“求创新”的两难,业者既要用美食留住熟客,也须经营品牌形象,吸引年轻食客。

美芝路太子咖啡座走过近半个世纪,88岁老板林道柏2026年3月宣布7月退休,若无人承接,这家老店将画上句点。几乎同一时间,马来西亚老字号海南西餐馆The Ship也在4月初宣布,关闭槟城与吉隆坡各一家店面,全马只剩四家门店。


在新马由海南人经营的西餐馆,不只是许多人第一次接触西餐的地方,更凝聚独特社会与文化记忆。只是,当多元餐饮选择不断涌现,这种饮食形态似乎正悄然步入黄昏。

从洋人厨房走向大众

19世纪末至20世纪初,大批海南人南来谋生。他们比其他籍贯群体起步晚,许多行业已被占据,只能进入洋人家庭当帮佣。海南先辈在调整口味与选材过程中融入华人饮食元素,逐渐发展出“本地化”西餐。

本地最早由海南人经营的西餐馆,可追溯至1925或1926年,黄令琼号召亲友在巴米士街(Purvis Street,俗称“海南二街”)合股开设的海珍高级西餐馆(Hai Chin)。它是莱佛士酒店之外第二家获颁酒牌的西餐馆,前者主要服务洋人,后者则成为本地华人上流社会聚集场所。后来黄令琼与股东理念不合,1935年在同一条街开设美珍餐楼酒吧(Mooi Cain)。


20世纪六七十年代随着英军撤离,原本在洋人家庭任职的海南人另谋出路。其中一批擅长西式料理的厨师自立门户,带动本地海南西餐馆兴起。与早期纯西餐馆相比,海南西餐馆不太拘泥于正式餐桌礼仪,有每日固定午间套餐,价格更为亲民,适合家庭和日常消费。

然而,随着时代更迭与餐饮业态不断演变,如今本地海南西餐馆已不足十家。

西餐料理融入本土元素

在梳理本地仍可找到的海南西餐馆时,首先要厘清如何定义“海南西餐”。简单直接注解,是由海南人创办或经营,并在西餐料理中保留本土元素。

不难留意到的另一特色,是多数海南西餐馆仍延续早期英伦气息,如格子桌布、木质陈设和复古灯饰。另一方面,不少海南先辈曾在远洋船只担任厨师,餐馆装潢融入航海元素。

约50年历史的太子咖啡座若无人接手,将于7月熄灯。(海峡时报照片)
  • 太子咖啡座(Prince Coffee House)

它是1977年邵氏大厦开业的首批租户,曾吸引不少明星光顾,如林青霞与刘文正。餐馆后来迁至武吉知马路加冕购物中心22年,2011年落户美芝路至今,仍保留大量使用数十年的老物件,像是桌垫与餐具。

林道栢与太子咖啡座相守近50年。(海峡时报照片)

88岁的老板林道栢与多位老员工将于2026年7月退休,仍在等待有缘人接手店面。目前餐馆进入清货倒数阶段,原料逐渐短缺。老板不希望有过多媒体曝光,以免食客失望而归。然而,这篇报道若少了它,始终欠一角, 只好跟老板说声“对不起”。

▲地址:249 Beach Rd #01-249 S189757

乌节邵氏中心The Ship餐馆,装潢以海事元素为主题。(陈爱薇摄)
  • The Ship Restaurant

马国1972年由两兄弟和股东合资的The Ship,宣布关闭两家门店。不少食客提出疑问:新加坡同名餐馆会否受影响?新加坡The Ship第二代告诉《联合早报》,两者没有关系,如常开业。餐馆1979年由海南人王禄值在市区罗敏申路创办,1990年代高峰期有多达六家店面,现存唯一一家开在乌节邵氏中心三楼,由第二和第三代经营。

▲地址:1 Scotts Rd #03-16/17/18 Shaw Centre S228208

  • Jack’s Place

1966年由英国人Jack Hunt在基里尼路开设的酒吧,1968年海南厨师史立谐加入,后来全面接手。餐馆2026年迈入60周年,传至第三代。虽然已不售卖猪扒,但菜单上仍可见一些海南风味,如炖牛肉、炖羊腿、参峇炒饭和鸡尾酒水果派。

▲网址:www.jacksplace.com.sg

Mariners’ Corner以格子桌布和木色调,营造浓浓老式情怀。(陈爱薇摄)
  • Mariners’ Corner

曾在Jack’s Place工作的史氏亲人,1984年在广东民路航运大厦(Maritime House)开设Mariners’ Corner,2021年迁至金文泰斜阳大道。餐馆装潢与The Ship同样走海事风格,以格子桌布、木色调与船只操舵轮等元素,勾起浓浓老式情怀。

▲地址:Block 106 Clementi St12 #01-40 S120106

已有40年历史的Shashlik,主打俄罗斯菜和海南风味西餐。(陈爱薇摄)
  • Shashlik

主打俄罗斯料理的Troika餐馆关闭后,九名海南员工1986年开了Shashlik,继续售卖俄菜和海南风味西餐。主要召集人陈业芹2013年逝世,两名儿子接手。餐馆装潢与餐桌布置更为高级,服务员穿着简约背心式制服,上菜时推着餐车。

▲地址:545 Orchard Rd #06-19 Far East Shopping Centre S238882

  • Jacob’s cafe

2009年开在樟宜村的Jacob’s cafe,是少数在东部的海南西餐馆。老板从加拿大回流,母亲曾在英军厨房工作,餐馆菜单上有炖牛尾、炖羊腿、羊肉煲、德国猪脚、海南卤猪脚、各式肉扒和和鸡肉派等中西合璧菜肴。

▲地址:Blk5 Changi Village Rd #01-2049 S500005

British Hainan摆设许多老板潘得立的收藏品,成为餐馆独特风景。(陈爱薇摄)
  • British Hainan

British Hainan是2013年加入的后起之秀。创办人潘得立的父亲20世纪四五十年代时帮英国人打工,后来到船上当厨师。潘得立退休后勇闯饮食界,复刻父亲的独特炖牛尾及其他海南料理。餐馆一度扩充至三家,现专注加冷大道工业区门店,各角落摆设具怀念价值古物。

▲地址:158 Kallang Way #01-06A S349245

以人情味留住食客

Silver Spoon、Copper Kettle、The Wagon Wheel、The Borshch、Berkely和The Sails等,都是已走入历史的海南西餐馆。British Hainan创办人潘得立说:“最早一批西餐馆兴起后,一些海南厨师到小贩中心创业,人们有了更平价的选择。加上几次经济不景,影响到西餐馆生计。”

经过数轮市场洗牌,现存海南西餐馆多数是独立经营店面,服务一群多年支持的熟客。如今它们面对市场竞争激烈、经营成本高等挑战,更关键的是原有料理越来越难贴近新一代消费者。

Shashlik的海南猪扒搭配炸鸡饭球,吃法有新意。(陈爱薇摄)

业主试着在“守传统”与“求创新”之间取平衡。Mariners’ Corner第二代史君保不久前接受媒体访问时提及,坚持原有路线让餐馆40年来客流量保持稳定。更改菜单就不再忠于传统,所以餐馆只调整配菜,增加凉拌、奶油和清炒选项。Shashlik第二代陈忠基是厨师,为海南猪扒搭配炸鸡饭球,在午餐套餐推出。

British Hainan老板潘得立认为餐馆装潢要下足功夫打造记忆点,才能吸引年轻食客。(海峡时报照片)

海南西餐馆要走得长远,重点已不再只是食物。潘得立说:“门面装潢要下足功夫打造记忆点,店家也要多和顾客交流,以人情味留住食客。同时,要经营品牌形象与社交媒体,吸引年轻一代。”

现在从高档餐馆、邻里小馆到小贩中心,都可尝到海南西餐,海南西餐馆难免受到威胁。但换个角度看,这其实说明海南西餐早已像鸡饭一样,突破社群与店号界限,在新加坡遍地开花,而不是逐渐消失。

海南厨师改写本地西餐味觉版图

从中国南来的海南厨师,以中式烹调手法结合本地食材,为新马西餐的发展轨迹留下哪些独特印记?

一家西餐馆是否有“海南基因”,最直接的判断是菜单是否有海南猪扒。海南厨师将洋人厨房的饼干碎或白面包晒干搅成屑,裹在猪扒表层再炸。

太子咖啡座仍保留将酱汁淋在猪扒上的传统做法。(龙国雄摄)

1960年代起,厨师将原本的法式酱汁改为当时流行的酸甜酱汁。早期马铃薯丁、红萝卜丁和青豆,与酱汁一起煮熟后,直接淋在猪扒上,后来讲究摆盘,马铃薯切成块或炸成条,铺在底层或摆在旁边。太子咖啡座海南猪扒($18)就保持十年如一日的传统呈现方式。


牛排价位高,炖牛尾早期成功掳获本地食客芳心。这道料理传统上以洋葱、面粉、大蒜、香菜、胡椒粉等炖煮,以红酒提香。来到海南厨师手里,会加入八角、桂皮、丁香、老抽,甚至是中药材,味道偏向甘甜湿润,而且炖至接近脱骨,肉筋软糯。

British Hainan炖牛尾以番薯天然甜味取代白糖,体现海南先辈结合本地食材的生活智慧。(海峡时报照片)

British Hainan的炖牛尾有故事。创办人潘得立的父亲当年给英国人打工时,雇主爱吃炖牛尾但有糖尿病,父亲突发奇想,以番薯天然甜味取代白糖。这道料理需要十多个小时完成,因此大多数海南西餐馆一周只推出一两天,British Hainan是少数天天供应。海南人擅长炖和焖的烹饪手法,因此海南西餐馆也有炖羊小腿。

海南西餐馆菜单还有一大特色,就是会有中餐和米饭选项。The Ship有海南猪扒配白米饭($20.90),和午餐套餐供应的炸鱼块米粉汤($13.90包括汤、饮料和甜点)。Mariners’ Corner的平日午间套餐有海南牛肉河粉汤($14.80包括甜点及咖啡茶)。Jack’s Place有炸鸡炒饭配参峇酱($15.30)及炖牛汤配白饭($20.30)。太子咖啡座甚至有完整中式菜单,如牛肉粿条、猪扒饭、酸甜鱼片、三鲜苦瓜汤。


Mariners’ Corner牛扒延续以铁板上菜的海南西餐馆传统。(陈爱薇摄)
Shashlik墙上展示早年使用的铁板和餐具。(陈爱薇摄)

很多新马食客对西餐的最初印象,是在铁板上滋滋作响的牛扒。海南西餐馆并非铁板牛扒发明者,却是新马“铁板牛扒文化”重要推手。如今许多西餐馆,甚至售卖西餐的小贩,都用铁板呈献牛扒。

海南西餐馆还供应重度烘焙、带焦糖与烟熏感的南洋咖啡,并附上淡奶,与一般西餐馆很不同。套餐甜点是小块蛋糕或装在鸡尾酒杯的水果。

太子咖啡座套餐的甜点是盛在杯子里的水果,勾起许多人的甜蜜回忆。(陈爱薇摄)