Tuesday, August 18, 2026
[Enhanced]Cost-of-Living Special Payment between $400 to $600 in September 2026. For Singaporeans aged 21 years and above in 2026 who own no more than one property
日子带着人走
肌少症阿伯增重5公斤 从一滴芝麻油一颗鸡蛋开始
Summary: “The Future, Made in China” by ChatGPT
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Yes. I was able to locate the full article on The New Yorker and read the available full text. The article is “The Future, Made in China” by Evan Osnos, dated August 3, 2026 (published in the August 10 print issue).
Here is a comprehensive summary of the entire article, rather than just a short abstract.
Summary: “The Future, Made in China”
Evan Osnos examines a fundamental question: Is China becoming better positioned than the United States to shape the technological and political future of the world?
His answer is nuanced. China has achieved extraordinary technological and industrial capabilities, while the United States is weakening some of the institutions and alliances that once supported its global leadership. But China itself has serious economic, demographic and political weaknesses. Osnos ultimately suggests that the future may belong neither to a Chinese nor an American-dominated world, but to a much more fragmented and unstable international system.
1. China has changed dramatically
The article begins with Kai-Fu Lee, the Taiwanese-born AI entrepreneur and CEO of 01.AI, who represents China's transformation from a technological follower into a serious competitor.
Osnos describes a Beijing in which robots are already part of everyday life, although some are still more impressive as demonstrations than as genuinely useful machines.
China's technological achievements are nevertheless enormous:
- It produces at least 70% of the world's drones, electric vehicles, lithium-ion batteries and solar cells.
- It deploys more industrial robots than the rest of the world combined.
- It has overtaken the United States in registered clinical trials.
- Its shipbuilding capacity is roughly 200 times that of the United States.
- Chinese AI companies are increasingly producing models comparable to American systems at substantially lower cost.
The important change, Osnos argues, is psychological as well as technological. China no longer automatically assumes that America is ahead. Many Chinese officials and technologists now believe that their country may be entering a period of historic ascendancy.
2. America's retreat has helped China's rise
A major argument of the article is that China's progress cannot be separated from America's recent decline in international influence.
Osnos points to Brexit, political polarization in the United States, the January 6 attack on the Capitol and, particularly, Donald Trump's second administration.
From Beijing's perspective, America is voluntarily weakening the foundations of its own power—its alliances, scientific institutions, international reputation and commitment to the existing international order.
China's response has been very different. It has spent decades investing in:
- science and research;
- manufacturing;
- infrastructure;
- renewable energy;
- industrial automation;
- artificial intelligence;
- diplomatic relationships.
China now produces more than twice as much electricity as the United States, at lower prices, and in 2023 installed more solar capacity than America had installed throughout its entire history.
Osnos's point is not that China is simply "better" than America. Rather, China has been pursuing a long-term strategy while the United States has increasingly been distracted by internal political conflict and short-term concerns.
3. The trade war did not produce the result Washington expected
Trump's tariffs were supposed to pressure China into submission.
Instead, China retaliated by restricting exports of rare earths and powerful magnets—materials critical to American industry.
The consequences demonstrated China's enormous leverage over global manufacturing. China subsequently maintained its position as the world's largest trading nation and achieved a record trade surplus of about US$1.2 trillion.
The geographical pattern of trade has also changed dramatically. In 2001, most countries traded more with America than China. By 2023, the situation had essentially reversed, with most countries trading more with China.
This is one of the article's central messages:
China's power does not depend only on having the world's second-largest economy. It increasingly comes from being indispensable to the world's industrial supply chains.
4. China's Belt and Road vision
Osnos then considers what kind of international system China might create.
Since 2013, China's Belt and Road Initiative has directed roughly a trillion dollars into infrastructure projects around the world—ports, railways, highways, hospitals, mines and "smart cities."
But the technological aspect is particularly significant.
China is exporting not merely infrastructure but Chinese technology and China's model of governance.
For authoritarian governments, Chinese technology can provide sophisticated surveillance and facial-recognition systems that help them monitor political opponents.
The article therefore raises an important concern:
China's technological rise could also become an export of authoritarianism.
China's message to other governments is effectively: you can modernize technologically without becoming politically liberal.
5. China's extraordinary scientific transformation
One of the most interesting sections concerns Chinese science.
Osnos recalls how poor Chinese scientific institutions were in the late 1970s and 1980s. Chinese laboratories sometimes lacked even basic supplies.
China responded by sending huge numbers of students abroad, particularly to the United States, while gradually building world-class universities and research institutions at home.
One scientist profiled by Osnos, Yi Rao, eventually returned to China from the United States and helped build a major life-sciences program.
The transformation has been remarkable.
China has now:
- overtaken the U.S. in clinical trials;
- increased government science funding;
- become a leading producer of influential research papers;
- developed a huge biotechnology sector;
- produced promising new drugs.
One Chinese cancer drug even outperformed Merck's highly successful Keytruda in an experimental trial.
6. America may be pushing Chinese scientists home
Osnos argues that American policy itself has unintentionally strengthened China.
The Trump administration's cuts to American scientific research and its earlier crackdown on Chinese scientists created an environment in which some Chinese researchers became less comfortable remaining in the United States.
A Princeton-Harvard-MIT study identified nearly 20,000 scientists of Chinese descent who left America between 2010 and 2021.
Chinese institutions have subsequently attracted many of these researchers back with money, laboratories and opportunities.
One Chinese scientist tells Osnos that Trump "really helped us" by weakening America's ability to retain scientific talent.
But Osnos does not portray Chinese science as flawless. China remains behind in areas such as:
- advanced aircraft engines;
- the highest-performance semiconductors;
- truly fundamental scientific breakthroughs.
China is particularly good at taking something that works and rapidly improving, scaling and commercializing it—what Yi Rao describes as moving from "two to a hundred"—rather than always producing the original breakthrough from zero.
7. China's manufacturing machine
The article then moves to Xiaomi's enormous Hyperfactory near Beijing.
The factory was built at astonishing speed and operates with very few workers because of extensive automation.
This illustrates what Osnos sees as China's greatest competitive advantage:
China can combine engineering, manufacturing scale, cheap energy, automation and government support in a way that is extremely difficult for other countries to match.
Chinese factories are increasingly using AI to monitor production lines, identify problems and recommend solutions.
A system demonstrated to Osnos could analyse energy consumption across a brewery and identify machinery problems in minutes—work that might previously have taken a human several hours.
8. Robots and the shrinking workforce
China has a demographic problem: its population is ageing and shrinking.
That creates an unusual incentive for automation.
Instead of simply eliminating workers, robots can partly compensate for a declining workforce.
In 2024, China installed roughly nine industrial robots for every one installed in the United States. Humanoid robots are also developing rapidly.
But Osnos is careful to show that the robotics revolution is not yet as advanced as the spectacular demonstrations suggest.
Robots can perform choreographed movements beautifully, but simple real-world tasks—such as picking up objects in different positions or folding clothing—remain surprisingly difficult.
One humorous example involves a humanoid robot working in a convenience store. It confidently offered to retrieve a sausage for Osnos, failed to pick it up, and then presented him with nothing while pretending that the transaction had succeeded.
So China's robotic future is real but not yet fully mature.
9. The human cost of the algorithmic economy
Perhaps the most powerful part of the article concerns Chinese delivery workers.
China's economic slowdown has pushed more than 200 million people into the gig economy, including approximately 20 million delivery drivers.
Osnos tells the story of Hu Anyan, who worked extraordinarily long hours delivering packages.
The algorithms determined his routes and workload. He sometimes had to make a delivery every four minutes to reach his income target.
The system gradually changed his personality. He became more impatient, anxious and indifferent to other people's difficulties.
This is an important counterpoint to China's technological success:
Technology can increase efficiency while simultaneously reducing human dignity and compassion.
The "future" being built by algorithms may therefore be technologically impressive but psychologically damaging.
10. China also controls its own entrepreneurs
Another warning sign concerns Chinese AI entrepreneurs.
The government has shown that even highly successful technology entrepreneurs remain subject to state authority.
Osnos cites the case of the founders of the AI company Manus, who were prevented from leaving China after agreeing to sell the company to Meta for approximately US$2 billion.
This demonstrates the fundamental tension in China's model:
The government wants entrepreneurs to innovate aggressively—but it also wants to retain ultimate control over them.
Osnos describes this as the "birdcage economy": businesses are allowed enough freedom to flourish, but not enough freedom to threaten the Party's political authority.
The question is whether China can maintain technological dynamism while increasing political control.
11. China's demographic crisis may be its biggest weakness
China's technological achievements coexist with a serious demographic crisis.
The fertility rate has fallen to approximately one child per woman, far below the level required to maintain the population.
The government has introduced:
- childcare support;
- tax incentives;
- housing incentives;
- fertility-treatment subsidies.
But these measures have not reversed the trend.
Osnos argues that the problem isn't simply the cost of raising children.
Many young Chinese people have become pessimistic about their future. They question whether having children makes sense in a society where economic competition is intense and opportunities increasingly seem uncertain.
This creates a striking contradiction:
China is building an extraordinarily advanced future while fewer young people want to have children who will live in it.
12. China's industrial overcapacity creates a global problem
China's manufacturing success has created another problem: overproduction.
China produces enormous quantities of:
- electric vehicles;
- batteries;
- solar panels;
- wind turbines;
- chemicals and other industrial goods.
Domestic demand isn't sufficient to absorb all of this production.
Instead of allowing factories to shut down, the government has often encouraged continued production because widespread unemployment could create social instability.
The excess products therefore flow into foreign markets at very competitive prices.
Europe is particularly worried.
Germany, for example, fears that its automobile and manufacturing industries could suffer the same fate as America's former industrial heartland.
European countries are consequently considering tariffs, restrictions on Chinese investment and other forms of protection.
13. China doesn't necessarily want to replace America
This is an especially important point.
Osnos argues that China may not actually want to take over America's role as global policeman.
China has historically avoided extensive formal alliances and has little appetite for assuming the enormous costs associated with managing the world's crises.
Instead, Beijing wants greater influence while avoiding the burdens that accompanied America's post-1945 global leadership.
Therefore, the future may not be:
American world → Chinese world
Instead, it may be:
American world → a fragmented, competitive "un-order."
Countries will increasingly hedge between the major powers, build their own military capabilities, protect their industries, hoard strategic resources and search for economic and technological leverage.
14. America has serious weaknesses too
Osnos deliberately avoids portraying China as the only country with a dangerous relationship between technology and political power.
America has its own problem: enormous private corporations possess unprecedented control over data and technology.
AI is increasingly being used by companies to make decisions about:
- insurance;
- pricing;
- employment;
- transportation;
- surveillance.
The distinction between government power and corporate power is becoming less clear.
The author therefore argues that both China and America risk allowing small groups of extremely powerful people to make decisions that affect everyone else.
15. The central question: Who controls the future?
The article's deepest argument is not really about whether China will "beat" America.
It is about what kind of future technological power will create.
China's model emphasizes:
speed + engineering + state power + industrial scale + social control
America's model emphasizes:
private enterprise + innovation + individual freedom + markets
But both systems are increasingly allowing powerful institutions and technology companies to make decisions that ordinary people have little influence over.
Osnos argues that technological progress by itself is not enough.
The country that ultimately succeeds will be the one that can:
- use AI and automation effectively;
- distribute their benefits;
- protect people from their harms;
- maintain social trust;
- allow citizens to have a meaningful voice;
- correct mistakes when technology goes wrong.
16. The final message
The article ends in an unexpectedly personal and humorous way.
Osnos meets an elderly fortune-teller in Beijing and asks what he should do to give his children a bright future.
The fortune-teller tells him that wisdom is more important than money.
Osnos finds this advice strangely appropriate because, after spending the article examining AI, robotics, geopolitics and technological forecasting, he has come to doubt whether anyone can really predict the future.
The final implication is powerful:
China may be extraordinarily good at engineering the future, but the future cannot actually be engineered with certainty.
Technology can accelerate change, but it cannot tell societies what kind of life they should want.
The article's main argument in one paragraph
China is rapidly becoming a technological and industrial superpower, not simply because of cheap labour or copying Western technology, but because decades of investment in science, infrastructure, manufacturing, automation and state-directed industrial policy are now producing genuine advantages in areas such as AI, EVs, batteries, robotics, biotech and renewable energy. At the same time, America's retreat from alliances, scientific investment and international leadership is making China's rise easier. Yet China's authoritarian political system, demographic collapse, economic inequality, overcapacity, youth pessimism and strict control over entrepreneurs create serious weaknesses. America has its own problems, particularly political dysfunction and excessive corporate power. Consequently, Osnos does not predict a straightforward Chinese replacement of American supremacy. He foresees a more fragmented and competitive world in which neither superpower completely dominates—and argues that the ultimate test will be which society can use technology while preserving human freedom, dignity and the ability to correct its own mistakes.
My assessment of the article
I think the most important idea in Osnos's article is that the U.S.–China competition is no longer simply a competition over GDP, military strength or trade.
It is increasingly a competition over who can build the technologies, factories, energy systems and infrastructure that other countries will depend upon.
And Osnos makes an equally important qualification: China's technological strength does not automatically translate into a superior society. A country can build an electric car in seconds, deploy millions of robots and dominate solar panels while simultaneously experiencing demographic decline, youth pessimism and restrictions on individual freedom.
That tension—extraordinary technological capability versus profound human and political weaknesses—is really the central theme of the entire article.
For reference, the full article is available on .
